Election Platform Bonanza!
Silly Sweater? ✅ Sweatpants? ✅ Citizenship? ✅ Typos? ✅
If you’ve been conscious over the past month (I know, tough), you must have noticed by now that the writ has dropped and Election Day is coming fast.
And if you gave the campaign the tiniest slither of your attention, you must have heard a bit about defence – mainly the race to getting to 2% of GDP in defence spending, increasing the salary of service members, the future of the F-35, etc. Defence did not get that central of a place in federal campaigns in decades – including in the midst of a sexual misconduct crisis.
Attention phased out as the debates last week did not mention defence, but fear not. The release of the platforms brings it back to the forefront, baby! Not really, but I will be on this Friday’s Defence Deconstructed and I have to do my homework. So there you have it; pure professionalism!
We’re going to do this party by party, from the lighter coverage of defence to the larger one.
New Democratic Party
I was hoping to find a PDF or a full-page version of the NDP platform, but I could not find it.
The defence portion of the platform is quite light. The NDP focuses a lot on foreign policy, one that is “based on solidarity, human rights, and multilateralism.”
The first defence commitment of the platform is the cancellation of the F-35 contract to find a solution that focuses on Canadian jobs and know-how. The second commitment is to meet the 2 per cent of GDP in defence spending “by no later than 2032” and with investments that remain domestic and focuses on people (civilians working in potential defence industry jobs, CAF members, and veterans). They also want the investments to focus on arctic sovereignty and Northern infrastructures (with the expectations that the projects would benefit Northern peoples). However, the costed platform is unclear as to how these expenditures are going to be made; a Northern Infrastructure Fund and Canada Victory Bonds are mentioned, but they are less than $1.6 billion a year (combined).
The NDP supports Ukraine and endorses the imposition of more aggressive sanctions on Putin and the oligarchs affiliated with the regime. The platform also aims to have Canada recognize Palestine as a state, impose sanctions on Netanyahu, an arms embargo on Israel (as a first step towards ending exports of defence equipment to human rights abusers).
Platform (go to “Working with Allies”): https://www.ndp.ca/campaign-commitments#pillar6
Costed Commitments: https://www.ndp.ca/sites/default/files/cost-of-commitments.pdf
Bloc Québécois
Before I dig deeper, I think it is important to emphasize that the Bloc does not see itself as a party that will end up with a majority in the House of Commons. It is aware that it will not form government at the federal level, and the language in their platform reflects that reality. Also, due to the nature of their party, obviously, the defence policy aspect of their platform is about la belle Province.
The Bloc goes with the grain when it comes to defence. It supports the increase in defence spending to 2 percent of GDP. The Bloc also states its support for Ukraine, NATO, and a stronger defence and security relationship with Europe.
This defence platform is mostly advocating for Quebec to be at the centre of procurement and acquisition projects – not necessarily alone (it mentions Chantier Davie and its opening of a shipyard in Finland); wants new generation of fighter jets to be developed and built in Quebec, the creation of a shipbuilding hub in the St Lawrence valley. It will clearly push for the 2 percent pledge-related investments are made in tech and innovation québécoises.
It also wants for Canada to “obtain the source code of the F-35” or develop a Canadian-made solution.
Finally, the Bloc will push for Canada to increase its spending in foreign aid (to 0.7% of GDP) with a focus on education, health, climate change adaptation, and the reduction of poverty. It also promises it will work towards a greater Canadian participation in the UN system to mitigate the effects of the U.S. withdrawal.
Full platform (quotes translated by yours truly): https://www.blocquebecois.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/blocqcplateforme-2025web.pdf
For more: https://www.cgai.ca/dd_the_bloc_quebecois_defence_platform
The Green Party
The National Defence portion of the platform is about three pages long, and surprisingly hawkish for the Green Party.
Indeed, here the Green Party is supportive of modernizing the military and ensuring it has the best equipment possible to face its threat. It explicitly supports enhanced patrols and surveillance activities in the North from the Navy and the Coast Guard. It even supports the stabilization of capital investment in the military to end the boom and bust cycle of military acquisition. In their dedicated “Peace and Security” plan, they mention supporting Ukraine, accelerating the growth of the National Shipbuilding Strategy, and joining the Norwegian-German submarine development process
The Party also takes a strong stance towards the United States, by promising the cancellation of the F-35 contracts, the banning of U.S. products that don’t meet Canadian standards, the emancipation of Canadian digital infrastructure and defence from the U.S., and the review of the Five Eyes intelligence agreement.
But it also leans into the border security conversation in which Trump was able to push Canada. They are calling for the reinforcement of border security by increasing capabilities (including drones) for better monitoring of illegal crossings and activities.
Nonetheless, it seems the Green Party continues to remain true to itself. It continues to support the ratification of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), want for Canada to go back to its peacekeeping “roots” and further support the doctrine of duty to protect, and promise to end the export of arms to human rights abusers. Climate has not disappeared from their minds; it is treated as both a threat and a threat multiplier. They want to use defence spending to “increase disaster assistance and rapid response capabilities,” to “normalize CAF deployment for civilian protection during climate disasters,” and pledge to create a “National Civil Defence Corps,” meant for emergency response.
They also call for the acquisition of equipment domestically or from “like-minded countries.”
“Protecting Canada” Plan: https://cdn.greenparty.ca/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Protecting-Canada-EN_4.pdf
Full Platform (Defence starts p. 41): https://cdn.greenparty.ca/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/GP_Platform_English_Final-1.pdf
The Conservative Party of Canada
This will sound odd, but the Green and Conservative platforms have echoes of one another. The main reason is that border security and immigration are included in the national defence/ national security part of the platform. The second reason is the fact that there is a consensus around: defending the North and equipping the CAF.
The difference is how much more in the details the Conservatives are in their promises.
As with other parties, the CPC supports increasing defence spending to 2 per cent of GDP, but here by 2030. To help in this endeavour, the platform promises the revival of the cabinet committee on defence procurement, the creation of a secretariat within the Privy Council Office and of a Minister of Defence Procurement.
The investments are focusing very much on the North and naval capabilities: two new heavy icebreakers; a permanent military base in Iqaluit; an Arctic naval base in Churchill, MB; make Inuvik’s Forward Operating Location a full base; a Arctic Security Corridor from Yellowknife to Grays Bay; a Canadian Reserve Unit in Whitehorse; and accelerated development of the Northern Operational Support Hubs, faster acquisition of the new submarines, tactical helicopters, and satellite ground station.
For the first time in the platforms, we see mention of personnel issues. Poilievre pledges to reach the total authorized strength in Strong, Secure, Engaged (71,500 full time; 30,000 reservists) within 18 month of his appointment as Prime Minister; commits to build 6,000 new military housing; expand the cadet and Rangers programs; and grow the Canadian Rangers 1st Patrol Group from 2,000 to 4,000.
As with the other parties, border security/ immigration, combatting foreign interference, gaining economic independence feature in this platform. These take the form of increased capacity for the various enforcement agencies and new forms of monitoring (some of which require legislative change). Interestingly, the platform mentions the “utiliz[ation of] military assistance as appropriate to secure the border.”
The CPC also supports Ukraine and its sovereignty, and commits to sending $22 million of frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. It wants to strengthen alliances “with countries that share our values,” and will withdraw funding from international organizations that do not share these values. The platform also targets the Iranian and Venezuelan regimes.
Platform: https://www.conservative.ca/change/
for the costed platform, go to p. 26.
The Liberal Party of Canada
Before asking if I have biases (I do, but that is not the point), the specifically defence-related aspect of the Liberal platform is 4 pages, compared to 1.5 for the Conservatives. But I will give it to the CPC that their platform is more condensed and more focused on narrow policy ideas than a vision.
That being said, let’s dive in.
From the get-go, the platform reads that “investments will be spent wisely and effectively to put Canada on track to exceed our NATO defence spending target before 2030.”
The platform starts with a section on personnel. Carney commits to give a pay raise to service members; invest more in housing, heath and child care; modernizing recruitment; and continue the implementation of the Arbour recommendations.
You can feel that this is the platform of a government in power.
Then, the discussion goes to “rearm[ing],” by promising the expansion of surveillance and monitoring of the coastlines and the Arctic (through the acquisition of icebreakers and submarines); the expansion of air and undersea autonomous systems; the acquisition of an airborne early warning and control aircraft; and new investments for the Army, including self-propelled artillery and ground based air defence systems. All of these investments are expected to prioritize a Made in Canada solution.
The Liberals also intend on changing the mandate of the Coast Guard to do maritime surveillance activities and putting the CCG under the NATO capability umbrella, as well as equipping the Rangers better.
The platforms outlines significant research and development and procurement investments, via the creation of a “Bureau of Research, Engineering and Advanced Leadership in Science” to pursue development of Canadian AI and quantum capabilities; the establishment of a Defence Procurement Agency; the purchase of Canadian equipment when possible; and help the growth of the Canadian defence industry by enhancing partnerships (mentioned participation in ReArm Europe).
As with previous platforms, the North and the Arctic feature quite strongly in the defence and security section of the platform. Carney commits to enhance the federal government’s partnership with Northern leaders; the building of a network of deep seawater ports; develop, acquire, and deploy the over the horizon radars (in partnership with Australia); invest in Northern infrastructure (including energy); sign an agreement with Europe over Arctic security cooperation; and expand our fleet of aerial and underwater drones and satellites.
The platform also involves the improvement of benefits and processes for veterans; defending the Canadian economy; ensuring food security; grow Canada’s agri-food sector and support Canadian fisheries; gun control policies; border security and law enforcement; and crime reduction.
In terms of foreign policy, there is a push to go back to Canada’s ambitious approach to diplomacy. The government commits to writing a new full foreign policy (with a complementary national security review) and to deploying more diplomats; to developing new and strengthen existing Alliances; to supporting Ukraine by using seized Russian assets; to maintaining the foreign aid budget but expanding FinDev’s lending capacity and increasing the budget of the LGBTQI+ International Assistance Program. The Liberals see the G7 presidency as a stepping stone for this re-asserted Canadian diplomatic leadership.
Sunny ways?
Defence and Security Platform: https://liberal.ca/cstrong/secure/
Takeaways
What might surprise me the most in these platforms is the consensus. Usually in Canada, we see multi-partisan support for putting defence in the back burner. Where the parties diverged, though, is over why defence was an afterthought. Here, there is not a race as to who is the most hawkish or who is the most dovish. Reaching the NATO investment pledge, supporting Ukraine, modernizing the Canadian Armed Forces… all seem to agree on their importance.
The implementation may differ, but even that remains questionable. All parties agree with an emphasis on Made-in-Canada approach first, and development with allies second. And while there is a consensus on the Canada First approach to procuring and investing, the policy details remain too vague to really assess if there is a substantial clash in vision.
Despite different expression thereof, it is clear that all parties agree that Canada is a country that supports the rule of law and human rights – how the parties express these values, however, is where we find ourselves on the sliding scale of a horseshoe the political spectrum is.
Could we thank Trump for this? Well, you won’t catch me do that. But there is no denying that there is a Trump effect in place. Economic independence, emancipation of military capabilities from the U.S., and a doubling down on the North… The U.S. is not described as a partner in these platforms, but as a threat. NORAD is not mentioned once, neither is continental defence. It says a lot about the current situation.
On the personnel aspect, I guess I am quite disappointed in the thinness of the platforms. I fear that there is a throwing money at the problem kind of approach to it, when in fact money hides very deep structural challenges that require policy and legal changes. Yes, we need to build military housing; but it will not fix the larger issues with the government’s approach to real property portfolio. Health care issues relate to moving a lot; will the Minister of National Defence engage with the Provinces directly? Will there be a specific type of funding for health care and childcare on bases and at NDHQ, rather than on the economy?
A lot needs to happen at the Cabinet level.
But to truly conclude…
Defence as a topic of interest to Canadians and their politicians has increased substantially since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February of 2022. The platforms clearly reveal this mounting concern about Canada’s security, especially since Trump moved in the White House for a second mandate.
Now the challenge of implementation remains. In defence, a lot of promises get broken (the first pledge to reach 2 per cent of GDP in defence spending was made in 2014; a single defence procurement agency was promised in 2019), so the wait-and-see game begins.
Final Words (for real, for real)
Do not let a (warranted) declining trust in politics and in politicians’ commitments to defence prevent you from voting. Do not fall victim to sunk-cost fallacy. The democratic process is often frustrating, but such a privilege. Do not take it for granted (my grandparents were alive when the Nazis invaded France).
Myself, I will proudly vote for the first time in Canada on Monday.